By Special Arrangement

President Mahinda Rajapaksa. His government needs to do some serious introspection on its relations with the rest of the world and cultivate the art of restraint if it is serious about cashing in on the blanket cheque of cooperation from the international community.

ADJECTIVES such as “decisive”, “crucial”, and “critical” have begun to sound like cliches to Sri Lanka watchers as the war between the security forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) progressed into its third year. Yet, two events in the island nation in the second week of September would compel any observer to fall back on another adjective to cap the situation. By all accounts, Eelam War IV has reached a “do or die” phase for both sides. With the military taking the war to the doorstep of the LTTE in the Wanni, and the Tigers being isolated from within and without like never before, the next few weeks could see a turning point. In other words, the status quo, war with no end in sight, cannot continue, though it would be premature to predict the course of change.

Wittingly or unwittingly, the pre-dawn Tiger attack on the Wanni headquarters of the Sri Lanka Special Forces and the Vavuniya Sri Lanka Air Force (SLAF) air base on September 9, and the unrelated but simultaneous, and unprecedented directive of the Sri Lankan government to the United Nations and other international and national aid agencies to move out of Tiger-occupied areas lock, stock and barrel, have drawn world attention to the new dynamics at play. The two developments together speak volumes on the plight of the civilians trapped in LTTE areas and caught in the crossfire. Though low-key, the concern of the international community is essentially focussed on the fate of the ordinary folk in the battle zone. At this juncture it is difficult to envisage how the government, which is of course making all the right noises, would protect its interests.

How did the situation come to such a pass? It would be no exaggeration to say that perhaps never before in its existence as a guerilla outfit has the LTTE been hit from so many directions as in its current battle. Since July 2006, the Sri Lanka military has not only made steady territorial gains but inflicted serious damage to the human and military assets of the Tigers. Since the Indian involvement in the late 1980s, perhaps no government in Sri Lanka has garnered as much material and moral support from the rest of the world as the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime in its fight against the LTTE. The standing of the LTTE vis-a-vis the rest of the globe is exactly the opposite. Thanks to the Tigers’ awful record, the international community has relegated humanitarian and human rights concerns to a secondary position in the hope that the Rajapaksa government would weaken the LTTE decisively and move towards a resolution of the ethnic conflict.

Therein lies the significance, rather desperation or no-choice stage, of the LTTE’s September 9 three-pronged attacks on the Vavuniya military headquarters and air base. The government insists it was a “failed” mission and claims to have made “history” by not only intercepting one of the two LTTE light aircraft but also bringing it down in the “skies” of Mullaithivu. It was akin to the October 29, 2007, Tiger attack on the Anuradhapura base of the SLAF. Like the Anuradhapura operation, the pre-dawn swoop in Vavuniya involved a coordinated ground and air attack with indiscriminate shelling from a safe distance. The ground force involved 10 Black Tigers (suicide cadre), and two light-wing aircraft dropped two bombs in the free-for-all that ensued.A fortnight earlier, Tiger aircraft had dropped four bombs at the Trincomalee harbour. The military believes that Jetliner, the vessel which has the capacity to transport 3,000 troops at a time, was the target of the unsuccessful mission.

The Vavuniya mission was the seventh foray into Sri Lanka skies by the LTTE air wing since its first operation targeting the Katunayake SLAF base in March 2007. Notwithstanding the unsubstantiated claims of the military that it managed to bring down one of the LTTE aircraft on its return path from the Vavuniya operation, the incident was a serious embarrassment to the government. There are several vital questions, and the most obvious is how LTTE cadre, armed to the teeth, could sneak into Vavuniya town and reach the periphery of the military’s heavily guarded headquarters, even if they wore military uniforms.

It is presumed that every time SLAF fighter jets take off to target any Tiger asset, every detail of the operation is recorded by an inbuilt, sophisticated camera. The SLAF has remained silent on whether or not the “historic” first interception and destruction of the Tiger aircraft is captured by the fighter jet camera. The argument that it was a mission undertaken in the darkness of the wee hours does not sound logical as most such operations are carried out in the thick of the night. Sri Lanka Minister and Defence spokesperson Keheliya Rembukwella told a special news conference that the LTTE obtained air capability in 2002, wounding the pride of the nation and causing deep concern among the citizens and, in this context, the damage caused to the LTTE “air capability” was a great achievement.

In response to a question, the Minister said that according to the assessment of Sri Lanka intelligence, the LTTE had three light-wing aircraft. However, he could not explain how the fighter jets missed the second Tiger aircraft engaged in the Vavuniya mission. Asked if the destruction of one of the three estimated aircraft of the LTTE meant that two-thirds of the “air capability” of the LTTE was “in tact”, the Minister quipped, “It is not a question of arithmetic.” The fact that the so-called air capability of the LTTE is no more than a morale booster to the Tiger cadre and the diaspora that provides it oxygen in the form of funds is evident from the fact that its seven operations have achieved precious little.

However, the SLAF needs to explain how the Tigers have managed to retain their so-called air capability, especially when the air force has conducted over a thousand air raids in two years on “identified LTTE locations” and is equipped with a state-of-the-art radar system, courtesy India. The radar was gifted by India to Sri Lanka sometime in 2005, once it was known that the Tigers were in the process of raising an air wing. After its first air attack in March 2007, India upgraded it and sent technical personnel to help the SLAF in the maintenance of the radar system. Two Indian engineers, who were injured in the Vavuniya attack, are part of the team of technicians. For some time Sri Lanka clamoured for the 3-D radar from China to tackle the Tiger air wing but gave up the idea in view of apprehensions expressed by India. Indirectly, through media leaks, the Sri Lanka government is blaming India for the Tiger’s aerial presence.

It is this self-centred approach of the Rajapaksa regime that is coming in the way of optimum use of the blanket support it has received from India and the rest of the world in its fight against the Tigers and terrorism. Its handling of the humanitarian crisis in the north, triggered by the intensified conflict, best illustrates the point. The international community is aghast at the knee-jerk reaction of the government in bundling out the U.N. and other aid agencies from the Wanni on the plea that it cannot guarantee security in the prevailing environment. It naturally raises a question as to how it can ensure the safety of civilians trapped in the war zone when it has directed the only buffer zone between civilians and combatants to move to safer zones.

The nature of the humanitarian crisis in the north was evident in the statement made by U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon a day after the government asked the aid agencies to vacate the Wanni. The U.N. Secretary-General not only expressed deep concern “over escalating violence in northern Sri Lanka and the humanitarian impact of the clashes on civilians” but also reminded all concerned of their responsibility to take active steps to ensure the safety and freedom of movement of civilians, allow humanitarian organisations to do their work in safety, and reach persons who are affected by the fighting and need humanitarian assistance.

According to the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), fighting between the government forces and the LTTE uprooted 12,000 families in the month of July alone. Ban Ki-moon pointed to the need to follow international humanitarian law, particularly the “principle of proportionality and the selection of military targets”.

In a letter to international and national aid agencies, the Sri Lanka Defence Secretary advised all the non-governmental organisations (NGOs) registered with the government that “no expatriate/employee or any other person employed by an NGO and working in the Wanni will be permitted to travel beyond the Omanthai checkpoint, in consideration of prevailing security situation”. The letter also instructed agencies working in the Wanni to “withdraw/remove all the assets (vehicles, machinery and equipment) and all employees who are not permanent residents in Wanni, with immediate effect”.

There are at least 160,000 internally displaced persons in LTTE-controlled Mullaithivu and Kilinochchi districts, according to a situation report by the Inter-Agency Standing Committee, which functions under the aegis of the U.N. “Heavy fighting in the south-western parts of the Wanni has forced more than 70,000 people to flee their homes in the past two months. Food supplies provided by the World Food Programme benefited at least 149,000 people in the two districts,” the Consortium of Humanitarian Agencies said. There are 11 U.N. and other agencies working in the Wanni. Once the U.N. agencies leave Wanni, the International Committee of the Red Cross, which has observers at the Omanthai entry/exit point connecting the Wanni to areas in the south, will be the only agency that would continue to function in areas under the control of the Tigers.

A report by the U.N. team on the north, released on September 1, said that the security situation in Kilinochchi and Mullaithivu districts remained tense and unpredictable owing to ongoing military operations and exchanges of mortar/artillery shelling around the northern and southern Forward Defence Line areas, and claymore mine attacks and air attacks deep inside the Wanni area.

“SLT phone lines have not worked within the Wanni since 23 July. New displacement followed the shelling incident which killed five persons in Puthumurippu. The majority of the population in this area is registered as secondarily displaced,” the team said.

REUTERS

An ethnic Tamil woman inspects the damage to her home after a pre-dawn aerial and ground attack by Tamil Tigers at a military base in Vavuniya on September 9.

According to the report, displaced families and individuals in Jaffna numbered 6,129 and 20,736, in Kilinochchi 35,353 and 134,868, in Mullaithivu 8,917 and 31,080, in Vavuniya 5,205 and 18,429, in Mannar 2,740 and 8,574, in Trincomalee 1,571 and 5,254, in Batticaloa 4,111 and 15,612, and in Ampara 1,162 and 4,278 respectively. The office of the Zonal Director of Education of Kilinochchi and Mullaithivu reported that district schools would open for the third term on September 4, while Madhu division reported that all its schools, which are to run in Kilinochchi district, would start on September 8.

“The main activity for the first weeks will be the registration of displaced children as well as providing structured activities until the regular curriculum starts,” it said.

Kilinochchi reports that 33 schools (12,930 children) have been displaced from Poonakary and Karachchi divisions since the fighting escalated in June 2008. Owing to space limitations in the existing schools in Kilinochchi, the authorities have instructed displaced principals and teachers to start “evening schools” in displacement areas.

“The general situation in Vavuniya and Mannar districts remains tense. Security forces remain on high alert throughout both districts. Three divisions of Mannar district remain inaccessible, including Madhu division (no access since March 2007), Manthai West division (partial access since September 2007 and no access since the end of July 2008) and Musali division (no access since September 2007). The entire population of these divisions is reported to have left. Mobile telephone coverage is activated in Vavuniya district between 1800 – 0000 hours only. CDMAs are not functioning in Mannar district. In addition, there are periodic interruptions to the electricity supply in the town and surrounding villages,” it said.

Ironically, the order to boot out the aid agencies came three days after the Sri Lanka government announced that the Ministry of Defence had taken “swift measures to establish a safe corridor” to enable the passage of civilians in LTTE-held territory. “The Government of Sri Lanka has decided to further develop Vavuniya as a storage and logistic hub for humanitarian assistance, including food and non-food items. The ongoing efforts of the government in this connection are being complemented by international partners who have also commenced stockpiling food and humanitarian supplies for civilians escaping from or displaced by the armed conflict,” the Ministry of Human Rights said in a statement on September 1.

The Minister said the government was appreciative of the efforts of the U.N. agencies and international and local NGOs in supplementing its initiative for conflict-affected communities and called on all relevant parties to ensure that civilians were allowed to use the safe humanitarian corridor and assist them to travel to secure areas without any hindrance. Further, the government alleged that while it encouraged civilians to move from the conflict zone to safe areas under its control, the LTTE hindered thousands of families from moving to safer places by imposing a strict pass system and, in some instances, forcing some family members to stay behind to ensure the return of the rest of the family.

“These measures seem designed to use civilians as a buffer against the government forces which is a serious violation of international humanitarian norms. In these circumstances, it is incumbent on the international community to exert pressure on the LTTE to allow civilians to leave areas controlled by them. The safety and well-being of civilians can be effectively ensured in government-controlled facilities,” the government said in a statement, rebutting Amnesty International’s note to the Human Rights Council. One wonders as to how the decision of the government to ask the aid agencies to leave the Wanni squares up with its proposal for a humanitarian corridor and safe passage for civilians.

The government’s tendency to view the rest of the world with suspicion and see a conspiracy behind everything was evident in a strongly worded statement by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha, chief of the Secretariat for Co-ordinating the Peace Process, attacking the U.N. Secretary-General for his remarks on the situation in Sri Lanka. “Unfortunately the Secretary-General may not have realised that his remarks could be used to advantage by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam who will use any weapon to hand, including an innocent Secretary-General, to halt the advance of Sri Lankan forces. They will relish that he made these remarks during a briefing on the victims of terrorism,” he said.

“Sri Lanka knows very well that a negotiated settlement is needed for our political problems, and that is why we are negotiating with democratic Tamil forces which have come into the political process,” he said.

For the government to target the U.N. Secretary-General on a general statement of concern over humanitarian issues is nothing short of a serious self-goal, particularly when Rajapaksa is scheduled to travel to New York in the third week of September to take part in the U.N. General Assembly session.

The Rajapaksa government needs to do some serious introspection on its relations with the rest of the world and cultivate the art of restraint if it is serious about cashing in on the blanket cheque of cooperation from the international community.