|
|||||
|
Advantage BJP The Cover Story "Advantage BJP" (December 20, 2002) made good reading. The opinion poll threw light on the situation but some important issues were missed. The absence of a creditable alternative political party to educate the public against communal polarisation can cause great harm to our secular character. Your fears are correct. Hindutva ideology has come to stay, and God save India.
G. Parthasarathy
Colombo-LTTE talks It will be good if peace returns to Sri Lanka after all these years of bloodbath ("Sticking to his guns", December 20, 2002). However, the record of the LTTE's terrorism is different from that of other liberation movements; even India has had to pay a heavy price. We lost a former Prime Minister to LTTE blood-thirst. And V. Prabakaran is, in our records, a fugitive who ought to be extradited to India to stand trial for the assassination. Should the Oslo talks succeed and the LTTE become part of the Sri Lankan administration, India would be the loser. One hopes that we shall not have to receive V. Prabakaran in New Delhi as a head of state.
R. Sajan
Naga talks The article "A winter of hope" (December 20, 2002) ignored the core issues of the Naga problem sidelined. It lacked insight; the views of the various Naga factions in the region were not adequately presented. Consultations with one faction, the NSCN(I-M), might not yield any solution. The Central government should bring all Naga factions and tribal groups under one roof for talks with a mediator in order to achieve a consensus for an amicable solution to this long-standing problem.
Dr. Karthik S. Deepankar
The foreign hand I would like to take issue with the general thrust of the article "The foreign hand" (December 20, 2002) that espousing or propagating Hindutva should be considered a criminal offence. If this is accepted, the same treatment should apply to those who propagate Christianity, Islam, or atheism for that matter. Just as an argument can be made that the Sangh Parivar's idea of Hinduism does not reflect the opinion of the majority of Hindus, the idea of Christianity professed by many missionaries in India is not accepted by the majority of Christians. I agree, however, that any organisation that encourages violence should not be given donations, but this should apply to all religious organisations.
V.K. Sameer
Crimes in cyberspace Former CBI Director R.K. Raghavan has highlighted the obnoxious effects of cyber crimes by citing many instances ("Crimes in cyberspace", December 6, 2002). To cite one more instance of the same, The Chicago Tribune recently reported a major credit card scam involving a software company executive. The modus operandi was first to get partial information on the social security numbers of a "selected list" of customers from street gangs. From the social security numbers, the executive used his computer access to extract the credit histories of the customers. Once the data were ready he sold them to the gang. With the credit histories now available, the gang could manipulate the accounts. This case highlights the exploitation of a major loophole in network security. Although five top credit rating agencies' data were at stake, they could spot it only at an advanced stage. A purposeful and proactive means for dealing with cyber crimes is needed as the volume handled by e-business grows.
K. Sethumadhavan
A saffron offensive It is an undeniable fact that Kamala Surayya is one of the finest writers Kerala has produced and deserving of the Ezhuthachan Puraskaram ("A saffron offensive", December 6, 2002). She enriched Malayalam literature and her English poems won international recognition. What actually enraged the saffron crowd was her recent conversion to Islam. If it was not so, why did she suddenly become unacceptable to the Sangh Parivar? The argument that the recipient of an award should be from the same religion as the person in whose name the award is instituted and must hold the same view of life as he did is nothing but absurdity. If we accept these as the criteria for awards, an award in the name of Mahatma Gandhi cannot be awarded to anybody as it would be impossible to find a person like him. The hue and cry can only be seen as an attempt to humiliate anyone who does not fit into the Parivar's scheme of things. This sign of hate and intolerance on the part of the Sangh Parivar will darken the tranquil literary atmosphere of Kerala. The brighter side of the whole episode is that secular intellectuals of all hues stood as one man against the onslaught of the saffron brigade.
Gopalan Thayyil
The Delhi encounter Apropos Praful Bidwai's insinuations at the Delhi Police's alleged highhandedness in shooting down two terrorists in cold blood in Ansal Plaza, the arguments smack of misplaced sentiments ("The Delhi encounter", December 6, 2002). I am appalled at the length to which the `intelligentsia' goes to champion the cause of the `oppressed', all in the guise of upholding human rights. If a pre-emptive strike by the armed forces or the State police finds a few innocuous-looking terrorists dead, why does it draw universal media opprobrium? Was the Delhi Police in the Ansal Plaza case expected to blare out warnings to the terrorists to `disarm or else face the consequences'? Or are they to be declared terrorists only after they have taken the death toll up considerably? If not so, what could possibly be the raison d'etre of this whole issue? Should the whims of a doctor, whose claim to witnessing the stage-managed shootout, be the basis to discredit the whole State Police Department? Why did the author not partner Kuldip Nayyar to raise a hue when 26 detenus were released unconditionally by the PDP-Congress(I) government in Jammu and Kashmir, which could play havoc in the Valley? The double standard of our `intelligentsia' needs to be weighed up before people can be swayed by their thought process. Let millions of minds not be moulded by a microcosm of a `secular' few.
Alok Srivastava
A century's lament Natwar Singh's column is becoming more Leftist and anti-American He blames the U.S. for dropping atom bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945, killing lakhs of Japanese people ("A century's lament", November 22, 2002). This is a cruel act done during a war in which the Japanese also inflicted much cruelty on the Americans, the Chinese (recall the rape of Nanking) and their allies. If the atom bomb was not dropped and the war had been prolonged much longer, the chances are that even more people would have died. Again, Natwar Singh calls India's democracy a `near miracle'. He forgets the poverty, unemployment, and corruption in India. Often we read reports of people dying of starvation in a few States. Extensive areas in Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh and Bihar are under naxalite control, with no proper administration. Is this the picture of an ideal democracy?
Madhavan Nayar
The Dravidian movement The views expressed by Marxist intellectual Karthigesu Sivathamby in his interview on the Dravidian movement (November 8, 2002) are thought-provoking and should be heart-warming to all those honest intellectuals disgusted with attempts to bestow respectability upon the Dravidian movement and its leaders of yesteryear. For the intellectual, objectivity in analysis is the ultimate test of honesty in one's convictions as professed. By this yardstick, Sivathamby has acquitted himself gloriously as an honest and passionate intellectual trying to put things in perspective in assessing the role and performance of the Dravidian forces in Tamil Nadu. Sivathamby repeatedly points to the fact that the Dravidian forces were bereft of economic orientation in their ideology. They could not have had one, given the fact that their emergence itself was based on malice, hatred and prejudice for Brahmins, and the jealousy and frustration of a few individuals because of the academic and professional success of Brahmins, of course aided by the historical and social advantages that they have enjoyed from time immemorial. Whereas there was more than enough justification for the re-emergence of a resistance movement by Dalits and the oppressed against the dominance of upper castes, including Brahmins but not only Brahmins, the opportunity was usurped by self-seekers and opportunists to promote their own political ambitions and to occupy space in the political and administrative spheres by displacing Brahmins. This is the real background in which the Justice Party was formed. Subsequently, E.V. Ramaswamy founded the Dravidar Kazhagam (D.K.) because of his personal frustration and feeling of being marginalised within the Justice Party rather than any great concern for the marginalised Tamil communities. Of course, EVR was politically astute to choose the most appropriate time and a perfect alibi for quitting the Justice Party. Even since, every split in these so-called Dravidian parties has been only due to the personal whims and fancies of one leader or the other and never on any great principled positions. The opportunistic nature of leaders like EVR would be clear to anyone who has closely followed the declarations of EVR, such as the one that he would always be a supporter of whichever party rules at a particular point of time, be it the Congress or even the DMK led by C.N. Annadurai. Even while pretending to fight casteism on all fronts, EVR always took care not to offend caste Hindus, whose atrocities were no less condemnable than those of Brahmins. He clearly chose Brahmins only because they were a soft target from whom the least retaliation was expected, and his methods in directing his brand of resistance to archaic practices were fascist in nature. Similarly, in terms of the debate with regard to EVR's brand of atheism and fighting religion and superstitious beliefs, he chose only the Hindu community and its own gods and even there took care not to ridicule what were perceived as Tamil gods. The Dravidian forces did not have intellectual inputs that could be deemed to be some sort of ideology worth its salt. They were more a potent grouping of people driven by their common hatred for Brahmins and a desire to give expression to their prejudices for the Hindu way of worship or, more pertinently, the Brahminical style and practices. Sivathamby hits the nail on the head when he points out that while in West Bengal and Kerala the Marxist ideology has established itself and holds its own, the so-called Dravidian ideology has been diluted over the years. This only goes to prove that the declarations and statements of intent projected as ideologies of the Dravidian parties were, in fact, only opportunistic intellectual pretences and pronouncements devoid of conviction and incapable of stimulating intellectual debate. Finally, it would be a great injustice and insult to Marxism and its ideology to be equated with or even discussed in the same breath as Dravidian pronouncements, which are nothing more than the outpourings of a group of opportunists with questionable intentions and uniformly guided by hatred for a particular community for all the wrong reasons.
N.S. Sankararaman
Images of a revolution Hats off to Frontline for publishing the article on Alberto Korda ("Seeing with the heart", December 20, 2002). He was indeed a photographer par excellence. The photographs taken by him during the Cuban revolution are themselves evidence of his association with the mass uprising. The redoubtable photographer immortalised the key moments of the revolution. We expect more photographs taken by the man in later issues of your magazine.
Dipankar Baidya
Printer friendly
page
(Letters to the Editor should carry the full postal address) [ Home | The Hindu | Business Line | Sportstar Copyright © 2002, Frontline. Republication or redissemination of the contents of this screen are expressly prohibited without the written consent of Frontline |