LETTERS

Congress(I) strategy

This refers to the report "Climbdown and confusion" (May 11). The Tehelka expose was a godsend the Opposition could use to put the Vajpayee government on the mat. Vajpayee was forced to ask Defence Minister George Fernandes to quit and to set up a judicial commission to go into the allegation of corruption. In an extraordinary scene, both Houses of Parliament remained paralysed for days without transacting serious business, and then was a blow to parliamentary democracy. The blame for the impasse should be put on the Opposition as well as the ruling party.

The "agreement" reached between Sonia Gandhi and Vajpayee to break the impasse in parliament could have been arrived at much earlier if the government was serious about ending the deadlock.

The Congress(I) and the others asking the Vajpayee government to resign on moral grounds was in order. But taking it too far served little purpose other than consolidating the shaky NDA coalition.

A serious subject like corruption in defence deals needed an intelligent debate, not shouting and stalling the proceedings for days together. That the Congress(I), which spearheaded the move for a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC), saw its folly, rather belated though, is good.

Speaker G.M.C. Balayogi did his best to break the logjam and put the onus of restoring normalcy in Parliament on the Leader of the Opposition and the Prime Minister. His firm stand convinced the parties to eschew belligerence and allow normalcy to return.

Not much purpose will be served by flogging a dead horse. The Congress(I) should have gone ahead and agreed for a debate in Parliament rather than insist on a JPC. People do not want any party to disturb the proceedings of Parliament for days, at a great loss to the nation, and delay important Bills, like the Women's Reservation Bill.

It is hoped that the Prime Minister does not make any more provocative statements about Opposition leaders but hold out a hand of friendship to the Opposition. Let there be more statesman-like acts rather than partisan ones.

D.B.N. Murthy
Bangalore

FTII and cinema

This refers to the article "Without a script" (May 11). True art has found its detractors in every age. The majority has always been threatened by the intellect of the minority, who has decided the course of history. Examples are numerous - from the early Greek philosophers to the Impressionists. In cinema, the works of the masters have never found wide acceptance in their times, especially in our country, but the history of cinema is embossed with their names, because it is they who have used cinema as an instrument for the exploration of truth.

The advocates of postmodernist attempts, like Mahesh Bhatt and John Carrol, are ignorant of the power of cinema. What they fail to see is that cinema is the most important invention of our times. We have in our hands a medium through which history will judge our times. If the Film and Television Institute of India hates Bollywood and Hollywood, it is because they are wasting away this powerful medium. The students of the FTII are the last flicker of hope in this postmodern cultural depression, and they are going to fight against any mediocrity forced on them.

Pankaj Kumar
received on e-mail

Conflict with Bangladesh

It is easy to be hawkish and 'escalate tensions' on our eastern borders; after all, compared to Bangladesh, we are a superpower (May 11). It is easier still to bring in the accursed factor of religion to explain away the bizarre events that took the lives of 15 Border Security Force (BSF) jawans in a horrible manner.

It is always more difficult to 'wage' peace than to cause violent conflicts. Fortunately, as of now, wisdom has prevailed and tensions have been defused by secular-minded diplomatic activity. But as usual India is shutting the stable door after the horse has bolted. The governments of both India and Bangladesh must now resolve that such a situation will never recur. Steps that are necessary to achieve permanent stability on our eastern borders must be taken; this may include the formation of a high-level joint committee to settle disputes and the establishment of a Delhi-Dhaka hotline for the Prime Ministers to contact each other in case there is a conflict.

One question remains. The 'martyrs' were not unarmed civilians. They were uniformed men, though not belonging to the regular Army. How did 15 of them get ambushed, captured and killed? It does not speak well of the officers of their platoon or, in particular, of their leadership capabilities. Their training leaves much to be desired.

Another troubling question: Does Bangladesh suffer from a pronounced inferiority complex with regard to its big and powerful neighbour that gives that induces in it an uncontrollable neurotic urge to show off?

Kangeyam R. Ramaswamy
Durham, U.S.

The stock market scam

History repeats itself at least in the case of the Indian stock market. The recent incidents at the BSE and the CSE (May 11) once again show how a few individuals can manipulate the markets to their advantage. However, SEBI's knee-jerk reaction to the bear hammering is a classic case of shutting the stable door after the horse has bolted.

Indian financial markets still have a long way to go if they are to match those in developed countries. Such incidents would only hamper their growth, and SEBI as well as the government must adopt a pro-active approach to prevent such incidents.

Aswini Kumar. S
Kottayam

India and the U.S.

Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh's visit to Washington, especially his comment that Indo-U.S. relations would reach new heights, seems to have irked Praful Bidwai no end (May 11). Hence his effort to belittle the optimism regarding Indo-U.S. relations by referring to the comments of some U.S. officials downplaying the significance of the visit.

Bidwai appears to be a typical Cold War warrior of V.K. Krishna Menon's time, when it was fashionable to throw mud on the U.S. and play up to Communist regimes. Times have changed. India is gaining respect and support from the U.S. and the members of the European Union. Why is Bidwai complaining?

Lalit Bagai
received on e-mail

Nationalising education

Praful Bidwai's thoughtful column on "Sanskrit and Sanskriti as weapons" (April 27) appears to have left certain things unsaid.

The HRD Ministry's campaign to "reform" national institutions of education and culture, like the UGC and the ICHR, and the content of school and university curricula is not simply ignorant and pathetic bumbling by reactionary mediocrities but a comprehensive strategic intervention, designed to undermine the secular and democratic values that have prevailed so far in the country, and replace it with a "national" spiritualistic agenda. The economic reforms of the BJP-led government at the Centre are bound to provoke serious unrest and resistance sooner or later, and these "thought reforms" are intended to forestall them and foster a spirit of accommodation. Those who do not fall in line will be administered spiritual punishment. It is analogous to the Nazi reform of education and culture, though it precedes an actual political takeover.

While the press has been forthright and trenchant in its criticism, the protest of the academic community has been remarkably feeble. It is disturbing that protests in defence of freedom of enquiry, objectivity, pursuit of truth and secularism should be so subdued and diffident among teachers and scholars. Why is it so? Fascism is helped on not only by the decay of liberal democracy, but also by the ideological dogmatism and practical opportunism of the Left.

Unlike Bidwai, few people in the democratic camp have cared to comment on obvious signs of nepotism, corruption and intolerance of powerful leftist cliques that enjoyed government patronage at different times.

I know of a number of scholars of more than average merit who were victimised by such powerful leftist cliques, simply because they refused to kow-tow to them. It is true that they did cherish certain standards and unlike the present Hindutva cliques did not normally sponsor insipid stooges, but they certainly compromised on quality at times and were blindly partisan in their approach to persons of a different ideological persuasion.

By failing to nurture and promote the democratic outlook that is essential in the Indian situation, they have unwittingly left the door open to the most rabidly authoritarian and sectarian forces. Some self-criticism seems to be called for.

Hiren Gohain
Guwahati

Film awards

This has reference to the article "Of awards and rewards" (April 27). True cinema, it is said, tries to reflect 'zeitgeist', the German equivalent for "spirit of the age".

Given this definition, the moral policing (read undue censorship of cinema) by successive governments in the country is a matter for debate. By depicting taboo subjects, the movie-maker is only trying to bring out into the open things that are hush-hush affairs in general but exist at all levels of society. He would in fact be doing grave injustice to us if he, like others, tries to hide the ugly face of society and presents only the better part of it. Of course there is a section of movie-makers that capitalises on the vulgar side of illicit relationships. The Censor Board should restrain them and not works that are purely intellectual in nature or names that have good reputation. Had this been the attitude of the jury for the national film awards, the awards would never have been controversial.

Abbay Chaturvedi
Mysore

U.N. Secretary-General

A comment on the fourth paragraph of John Cherian's "Cautious on Kashmir" (April 13): "... Asia's turn to occupy the (United Nations) Secretary-General's slot. But the names .... from Thailand and Malaysia do not have the stature needed for the high-profile job."

Razali Ismail of Malaysia, 61, apart from having held various positions, was Malaysia's High Commissioner to India (1982-85), Permanent Representative to the U.N. (1988-98), twice President of the U.N. Security Council, and the 51st President of the U.N. General Assembly (1996-97). He was described in a diplomatic bulletin as the "the most effective President of the UNGA". At present Razali is the U.N. Special Envoy to Myanmmar, and has been praised by the international community for successfully brokering the reconciliatory initiatives between Myanmmar's ruling SPDC and the opposition NLD. Are these credentials not good enough for a potential U.N. Secretary-General?

Zariani Abdul Rahman
Darul Ehsan, Malaysia

Rajasthan's drought

"Rajasthan's thirst," (March 30) is an excellent account of the people's suffering in the face of the severe drought for the third year in a row.

The people's hardships have worsened because of the insensitivity shown by governments in the State and at the Centre. The obsession with reforms, liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation is making them blind to the plight of the starving people. Last year, as many as six States were reeling under drought. The situation is no better this year, but drought has not even been mentioned in the Union Budget.

The Food Corporation of India godowns are bursting with foodgrains and since 1994 the buffer stock has remained at a much higher level than the prescribed one.

As a result, now the FCI's economic cost is rising in the form of carrying and storage charges. A large part of the food subsidy is spent on storage and carrying. What it practically means is that the government is 'hoarding' large quantities of foodgrains. Millions of tonnes of foodgrains have rotted, but the excess stocks are not sold to the malnourished population through fair price shops. The food-for-work programme has not been started.

Interestingly, the government is ready to subsidise foodgrains for exports (considering the declining price of food in the international market, it is impossible to export food without giving a subsidy), which means it is ready to sell subsidised food to consumers in other countries but will not sell food to the people of India if they are 'above the poverty line'. The irrelevance of such demarcation (of being 'above' or 'below' poverty line) is obvious, considering the fact that the poverty line is at a very low level in the country. In the drought-hit areas, almost the entire population needs support.

It is time the obsession with the liberalisation policy is checked and its impact on the poor reviewed. People who have been facing drought for the last three years should be given priority.

Nesar Ahmad
Udaipur