WORLD AFFAIRS
Sonia and the Tigers
Reports about a plot by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam to target
Sonia Gandhi create a flutter.
D.B.S. JEYARAJ
THERE has lately been a lot of publicity given to intelligence reports that
the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) is plotting to assassinate
Congress(I) president Sonia Gandhi through the device of a car bomb. Coming
in the wake of the ruling of the Supreme Court of India on appeals by persons
convicted of killing Rajiv Gandhi, these reports have had about them a quality
of pathos that transcends political divisions. Perhaps the reports would
have received greater media attention had it not been for the escalation
of the conflict in Kargil and, to a lesser extent, the Sharad Pawar-led rebellion
in the Congress(I).
There is no denying the fact that the intelligence reports notwithstanding,
it is a matter of speculation. The speculation itself is essentially dual
in nature. First, there is the planned modus operandi of the plotters
as alleged in the media. The details provided in these reports are not exhaustive
and they do retain an element of improbability. Secondly, and more important,
there is the larger question of whether the LTTE really intends to make an
attempt on Sonia Gandhi's life and if so why.
Interestingly, the LTTE-controlled media of the Tamil diaspora in the West
dismissed the reports about the alleged plot as a figment of the Indian
establishment's imagination. It was stated that the LTTE had no intention
to kill Sonia Gandhi and that the reports were just a crude attempt to
incriminate it again. There was a suggestion that the possibility of India
lifting the ban on the LTTE had brightened after the Supreme Court ruled
that the killing of Rajiv Gandhi was not an act of terrorism and that the
LTTE had not waged war against the Indian state. It was also alleged that
by planting media reports about a possible assassination attempt, interested
parties were trying to ensure that the ban would remain in place. Another
view was that the Bharatiya Janata Party-led government itself was publicising
this charge in order to intimidate Sonia Gandhi and restrict her poll campaign.
It soon became evident that the LTTE itself took the charge quite seriously.
It is not the practice of the LTTE to issue denials in response to adverse
reports appearing in the media except when blatantly violent acts affecting
civilians, such as the bomb incident at the Colombo Central Bank (January
31, 1996), occur. Yet this time the LTTE issued a press release through its
international secretariat in London on June 2.
The press release categorically denied reports emanating from sections of
the Indian press about the alleged plot. "Responsible newspapers in India
have in an irresponsible manner highlighted this malicious and baseless story
with a sinister motive to malign the Tamil Liberation struggle," the LTTE
said. The release went on to add: "The LTTE wishes to state emphatically
that it has no intention of interfering in the internal politics of India,
nor will it act in any way prejudicial to the Indian national interests."
The terminology and structure of this press release were somewhat different
from those of the ones normally drafted in Tamil and translated into English.
This statement was more polished and authoritative. It soon became apparent
that the press release itself had been formulated by none other than Anton
Stanislaus Balasingham, the LTTE's political adviser. He had been sent to
London by LTTE supremo Velupillai Prabakaran for three reasons: they wanted
to reorganise the international secretariat of the organisation and coordinate
a propaganda drive, initiate moves to pave the way for a resumption of
negotiations between the Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE with the help
of third-party facilitation, and seek urgent medical treatment facilities.
ANU PUSHKARNA
Sonia
Gandhi.
One of the first tasks Balasingham performed upon entering Britain was to
issue the press release that denied that there was an LTTE conspiracy to
assassinate Sonia Gandhi. This was certainly an imperative from Balasingham's
perspective. Although the LTTE wants a Western nation, or possibly South
Africa, to be the third-party facilitator, Balasingham, described as an "LTTE
theoretician", must definitely be aware that India's cooperation, or at least
its non-opposition, is essential for any meaningful talks to occur. Besides,
the LTTE still entertains the hope that with a stable BJP administration
in New Delhi a change in the political equation is possible. So it would
seek to avoid any negative publicity at the present juncture.
Sadly for the LTTE, its credibility has sunk so low that there are few takers
for its denials. The LTTE has its own logic and motivation, which defy a
conventional assessment of the movement. In fact, there is a touch of
irrationality about it, which often leads to negative consequences for the
movement. Therefore it was not possible to dismiss the allegation of a plot
against Sonia lightly. The circumstances of Rajiv Gandhi's killing themselves
were there as a warning. The LTTE had, prior to the assassination, opened
a line of communication with Rajiv Gandhi through emissaries such as the
poet Kasi Anandan in Chennai and the economist Arjuna Sittampalam in London.
It seemed that the estrangement between Rajiv Gandhi and the LTTE was about
to become a thing of the past. But soon the LTTE blasted Rajiv Gandhi to
death. Again, after the incident it appeared impossible that the LTTE could
act in a manner that was so detrimental to its own, and by extension Sri
Lankan Tamils', interests until overwhelming evidence of LTTE culpability
was uncovered.
By the same token, the LTTE's denials about the alleged plot to kill Sonia
Gandhi too cannot be accepted without reservations. It is possible that the
LTTE may be adopting a two-track approach on Sonia Gandhi as in the case
of Rajiv Gandhi. As Sathasivam Krishnakumar alias Kittu initiated a low-key
dialogue with Rajiv Gandhi without knowing that a killer squad had been
despatched by Prabakaran to execute the former Prime Minister, Balasingham
may be quite sincere in protesting on behalf of the LTTE. He may be genuinely
ignorant of any mala fide objectives on the part of the LTTE although
his long association with it would have by now provided him insights into
how it thinks and acts.
Under these circumstances it is of paramount importance to ascertain whether
the LTTE intends to assassinate Sonia Gandhi and if so what it hopes to gain
by doing so. It is no secret that the strike against Rajiv Gandhi affected
its fortunes drastically. Indian public opinion, which had been sympathetic
to the overall Tamil plight in Sri Lanka, became indifferent and to some
degree hostile following the assassination. The ban on the LTTE by India
led to world-wide revulsion against the organisation. Events in Sri Lanka
took a different turn and today the LTTE, on the admission of its own leader
during his Great Heroes Day speech earlier this year, stands isolated. Therefore,
will the LTTE risk another calamity by trying to kill Sonia Gandhi? Again,
an assessment by conventional means would result in a "no".
V. SUDERSHAN
Rajiv
Gandhi.
But then the LTTE is quite unorthodox and irrationally unique in its thinking.
So the question whether the LTTE intends to harm Sonia Gandhi should be examined
within the framework of an LTTE perspective. A useful way of analysis in
this regard would be to see why the LTTE struck at Rajiv Gandhi in the first
place. There were two reasons. One was to seek revenge for imposing on it
the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement and deploying the Indian Peace-Keeping Force
(IPKF) to enforce the accord. The second and perhaps more important reason
was to prevent Rajiv Gandhi from coming to power again in 1991. The LTTE
feared that if Rajiv Gandhi became Prime Minister again he would pursue his
earlier policy on Sri Lanka to its logical conclusion, which in the LTTE's
perception was aimed at its destruction. That with diplomacy and tact the
contradictions between Rajiv Gandhi and R. Premadasa, the Sri Lankan President
of the time, could have been exploited to its own advantage was overlooked.
So great was the paranoia caused by the possibility of Rajiv Gandhi coming
to power again. This is the background of what happened at Sriperumbudur
on May 21, 1991.
In this context, the current season is the most suitable for the LTTE to
target Sonia Gandhi, if it so desires. A round of general elections is in
the offing. She has set herself the imposing task of leading the Congress(I)
to victory. Her opponents are using her foreign origin as a campaign issue.
Moreover, some of her own partymen have rebelled against her. Besides, her
party relies almost exclusively on her charisma and name to win the elections.
All this means that she has to canvass vigorously and make herself appear
as people-friendly as possible.
The reason for the LTTE even to contemplate targeting Sonia Gandhi lies in
her entry into active politics. Had she remained in the background as a "mother
figure" providing inspiration and limited guidance to the Congress(I), the
LTTE may not have considered her even remotely harmful. But now it is clear
that she intends to play a major role in national politics. Had she been
able to muster enough support a few months ago, she would have already been
Prime Minister. Even now if the Congress(I) fares well in the hustings she
could become Prime Minister. In any event it is likely that she will be the
brightest star in the Indian political firmament for quite a while.
This creates two problems, in the LTTE's perception. First, the LTTE fears
that she will be irreconcilably hostile to it, for it feels that she has
taken the killing of her husband very personally. The Congress(I)'s decision
to withdraw support to the I.K. Gujral regime in the aftermath of the Jain
Commission's Interim Report is seen as proof of this. The LTTE suspects that
the Congress(I) pulled the plug under pressure from Sonia Gandhi. In its
perception, she could not stomach the idea of the Congress(I) supporting
a government in which the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) was a constituent,
and it was not important for her to ascertain if the Jain Commission was
justified in blaming the DMK for having created conditions in Tamil Nadu
that helped the LTTE to assassinate her husband. So emotional was her reaction
that she just did not want any dealings with the DMK, so went the LTTE's
views.
LTTE chief
V. Prabakaran.
Even now Sonia Gandhi's antipathy towards the DMK, and possibly the Marumalarchi
Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), remains. This is one factor that has influenced
these parties' decision to enter into an electoral alliance with the BJP.
Cooperation of these parties with the Congress(I) seems to be a remote
possibility as long as Sonia Gandhi is at the helm of that party. Besides,
she demonstrated the strong emotive aspect of her personality through her
reaction to the revolt by Sharad Pawar, P.A. Sangma and Tariq Anwar.
Thus in the LTTE's perception Sonia Gandhi is an emotional yet strong-willed
leader who will at no stage compromise on the question of the LTTE. According
to the LTTE's line of thought, she will never be accommodative towards it.
More important, the LTTE fears that if she becomes Prime Minister she would
relentlessly pursue a hardline policy against it. It fears that she may even
provide open support to the Sri Lankan authorities in destroying the LTTE
and in getting Prabakaran, who ordered her husband's killing, apprehended.
Secondly, the LTTE is anxious about Sonia Gandhi propelling the Congress(I)
into power at the expense of the BJP-led combine. Even though the LTTE is
not a communal outfit, there is a lot of pressure from its overseas supporters
to adopt a Hindu line. These sections hope to gain some political mileage
if a strong BJP-led regime is in place in New Delhi. Also, political parties
that are somewhat sympathetic to the LTTE, such as the Samata Party, the
Shiv Sena, the MDMK and the Paattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), are allies of the
BJP. So the LTTE would prefer the BJP to form a government. It is optimistic
that such a development will be advantageous to it even if there are no immediate
benefits. The only upsetting factor in this scenario is Sonia Gandhi, a political
impediment that has to be removed.
Another development that is likely to make the LTTE fear the ascendancy of
Sonia Gandhi is the recent return to Sri Lanka of ex-Chief Minister of the
North-Eastern Province Varadaraja Perumal from India. Varadaraja Perumal
has been telling the cadres of his Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation
Front that when Sonia Gandhi becomes Prime Minister of India she would back
him in combating the LTTE. Perumal had launched plans to expand the Razeek
Group, an anti-LTTE Tamil group, into a full-fledged army. The idea was that
it would be the cutting edge of an interventionist policy in Sri Lanka by
India when Sonia Gandhi was at the helm.
Again, the LTTE reacted by killing Razeek, thereby delivering a death blow
to Varadaraja Perumal's plans(Frontline, July 2, 1999). In the LTTE's
logic there may evolve a new determination to eradicate the hindrance that
is Sonia. It has also been the style of the LTTE to remove the head, or the
most effective member, of an "enemy organisation" in order to undermine it.
Unfortunately, the LTTE has created several situations in which the removal
of a single person resulted in a whole organisation collapsing or being reduced
to a caricature of its former self. So, given the LTTE psyche, it is possible
to conclude that it would consider the assassination of Sonia Gandhi as spelling
the doom of the Congress(I). The undermining of the Congress(I) and a consequent
strengthening of the BJP-led combine would be most welcome to the LTTE.
Given the unhappy experience of the fall-out of the Rajiv Gandhi assassination,
the LTTE would be very careful and calculating in this matter. Any plan that
it may have to assassinate Sonia Gandhi would be carefully drawn up. Against
this backdrop, the revelation that the plot to kill Sonia Gandhi was hatched
in South Africa deserves to be taken with a pinch of salt. The Rajiv Gandhi
assassination trial has conclusively proved that the conspiracy was carried
out in northern Sri Lanka. A decision of such great importance as the one
to kill Rajiv Gandhi could be taken only at the highest level, by Prabakaran
himself. The same applies in the case of Sonia Gandhi too. Thus it seems
improbable that the plot was formulated in Durban. But the intelligence reports
may be partially correct: it may be that after the go-ahead was given a follow-up
meeting was held in South Africa.
Anton
Balasingham, the LTTE's political adviser.
What is more likely is that some South African supporters of Indian origin,
who are extremely intense and conversely imprudent, may have been merely
thinking aloud in an irresponsible manner. It must be noted that some LTTE
supporters created unwelcome publicity for themselves by boasting that they
were taking arms training to fight in Sri Lanka and that the LTTE had training
camps on South African soil (Frontline, December 4 and 18, 1998).
It is also highly improbable that the Tigers in Canada were involved in the
plot. Again it is quite probable that some loose talk may have occurred between
LTTE supporters and BJP sympathisers. But to suspect anything beyond "bravado"
seems a highly unlikely proposition at this point of time.
If and when the LTTE hatches a conspiracy to kill Sonia Gandhi, it will be
done closer to home. It may not send out a hit squad, as in the case of Rajiv
Gandhi. What is more probable is the assigning of one or two individuals,
with unlimited funds at their disposal, to plan out the assassination in
meticulous detail. The overriding consideration for the LTTE this time would
be the scrupulous avoidance of any sign of its involvement. Intelligence
reports about the possible use of a car bomb or the LTTE aligning with Sikh
or Kashmiri separatists may not be entirely incorrect. The human bomb has
almost become the monopoly of the LTTE in this region. To avoid being accused
of the offence, the LTTE may use a different method in the case of Sonia.
Likewise, getting another outfit to be involved in the actual implementation
of the plot may help avert suspicion. This writer, however, hazards a guess
that if the LTTE really desires to eliminate Sonia Gandhi, it would collaborate
with some Hindu nationalist-fanatical organisation. Given the xenophobic
frenzy whipped up in certain quarters, it would not be difficult to find
some high-strung person who is determined to serve his or her "Bharat" by
trying to kill Sonia Gandhi. It is in the interests of the LTTE to identify
and cultivate such a person and utilise him or her as a willing assassin.
There is of course the possibility that some other agency, which has no
connection with the LTTE, may be planning a similar assassination and hoping
to blame it on the LTTE.
It may also be that the intelligence reports about the assassination attempt
are totally incorrect and the entire matter constituted a false alarm. However,
this is no cause for relief because the potential danger to Sonia Gandhi
from the LTTE is always there. That threat is something that cannot be
disregarded as improbable. Therefore, it would be prudent for the authorities
to provide maximum security to Sonia Gandhi and also exercise a constant
vigil in this respect.
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