India's National Magazine
From the publishers of THE HINDU

Vol. 15 :: No. 25 :: Dec. 05 - 18 , 1998

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COVER STORY

Congress(I) rout in Mizoram

The MNF-MPC alliance's massive victory in Mizoram is significant; it reflects the changing political climate in the northeastern States.

KALYAN CHAUDHURI

THE Congress(I) suffered a severe electoral reversal in Mizoram and this brought the party's decade-long rule in the State to an end. The Mizo National Front(MNF)-Mizo People's Conference (MPC) combine won more than three-fourths of the 40 Assembly seats. The massive victory of the alliance in the northeastern hill State is significant in the context of the changing political situation in the region, where non-Congress(I) parties are in power in all States barring Nagaland.

The Congress(I) had 16 legislators in the outgoing Assembly. The party ran the government in the last 10 years at times with the support of independents and at times with the support of a breakaway MNF group. The November 25 elections delivered a humiliating blow to the party as it was able to retain only six seats. The Opposition MNF posted major gains, winning 21 seats; the MPC won 12 seats. The MPC also claims that the lone independent legislator, H. Rammawia, who won the Sangau seat, was supported by it.

The Bharatiya Janata Party failed to open its account in Mizoram. All its 12 candidates forfeited their deposits. Similar was the fate of the Samata Party. Although the Samata Party is a constituent of the BJP-led coalition Government at the Centre, it contested in Mizoram alone. The MNF-MPC combine's dominance of the Opposition space was so total that all other Opposition groups were crushed. The 34 candidates fielded by the United People's Front(UPF), the breakaway faction of the Mizo National Front (Nationalist), which was supported by the Citizens' Common Forum (CCF), were left by the wayside. There were nine women in the fray. All of them were defeated.

Congress(I) Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, who sought election for the fifth time from his home constituency of Serchhip, was defeated by Tahngzuala of the MNF by 720 votes. Lal Thanhawla, who is also the State Congress(I) president, told Frontline: "The Congress(I) has been in power for the last 10 years. Apparently the anti-incumbency factor was in play. This was the toughest Assembly election my party has faced until now. The opposition parties put up a united fight against the Congress(I)." Dimissing allegations of financial irregularities by himself or his government, the outgoing Chief Minister said that they were not an issue in the elections. "The only issue was the anti-Congress(I) issue. A person with a vested interest filed a public interest petition alleging my involvement in a multi-crore-rupee financial scam. But where is the scam?" he said.

DESPITE rain and biting cold the voter-turnout was high - between 70 and 73 per cent. In Aizawl, the capital, which has eight constituencies, voters, particularly women, dressed in puan, the traditional dress, were seen in large numbers at most of the polling booths. Queues began to form outside polling booths even before voting began at 7 a.m. Heavy rain affected polling for three hours in the afternoon. However, about 60 per cent of the voters had exercised their franchise by 1 p.m.

Lal Thanhawla's Serchhip constituency, a three-hour drive from Aizawl, witnessed a heavy turnout of 74 per cent. Mamit, from where former Chief Minister and president of the MPC Brig. (retd) T. Sailo sought election, reported 70 per cent polling. Heavy polling was witnessed also at the Champhai and Khawpung constituencies where MNF chief Zoramthanga contested. Zoramthanga defeated Congress(I) candidate F. Lalthalamuana in Champhai; in Khawpung he defeated the MPC's Lalsawivunga.

The alliance between the MNF and the MPC was not total; they had an understanding only in respect of 20 seats. In the remaining 20 constituencies, described by them as "free zones", they were engaged in "friendly contests". The Congress(I) hoped to take advantage of the split in the opposition vote in these constituencies but could not do so.

KALYAN CHAUDHURI
Lal Thanhawla. The Congress(I) Chief Minister lost his seat.

There was apprehension that the militant organisations of Reangs and Hmars would disrupt the elections in the western and northeastern parts of the State. Polling in certain booths in these areas was comparatively low, but the voting process was trouble-free. Sixty-eight of the 789 polling stations were identified as sensitive ones.

Complimenting Mizoram's voters, Chief Election Commissioner Dr. M.S. Gill said that the elections in Mizoram were "most peaceful", with no untoward incidents reported from any part of the State. H. Tochlong, Chief Electoral Officer of the State, told Frontline that no violence was reported during electioneering or on polling day. None of the parties violated the Election Commission's guidelines. "Mizoram can teach other States a thing or two on how to hold elections without violence and rigging," she said. The restrictions imposed by the E.C. on campaign expenditure had an impact on electioneering; the candidates resorted more to door-to-door canvassing and musical programmes, which are typical of the northeastern hill States.

Part of the credit for the incident-free elections should go to the Young Mizo Association (YMA), a powerful voluntary organisation, and the Mizoram Presbyterian Church, the most influential religious body in Mizoram. From the outset they had been advising the Mizo people not to do anything that would disturb the electoral process.

Brig. T. Sailo, leader of the Mizo People's Conference.

It did not appear that the choice of the next Chief Minister would create problems between the alliance partners. Sailo and Zoramthanga are heavyweights in the State's politics. Sailo, who became Chief Minister in 1979, was defeated by Lal Thanhawla in 1984. Sailo was then the leader of the People's Conference. He formed the Mizo Janata Dal (MJD) on the eve of the elections. The MJD fought the elections in alliance with the Congress(I) and won eight seats. The Congress(I)-MJD alliance formed the government, but Sailo later parted ways with the Congress(I) and formed the MPC. The split came about owing to the Congress(I)'s failure to adhere to the pre-election agreement that Lal Thanhawla would be Chief Minister for the first half of the Assembly's term and Sailo for the remaining period. Lal Thanhawla stayed on in power with the help of five of the 14 MNF MLAs who had defected to the Congress(I). According to informed sources, Sailo is not a contender for the chief ministership this time round. This is perhaps because of his failing health. Zoramthanga, who was a confidant of Laldenga during the period of insurgency between 1966 and 1986, has already been accepted by the MNF-MPC combine as the next Chief Minister (see interview). Sailo has been offered the post of Deputy Chief Minister with the Home portfolio. If he rejects this offer he will be requested to take up the speakership.

The outcome of the elections is politically significant in the sense that it has thrown up a stable government. Even in the event of any bickering between the MNF and the MPC, the MNF, on the strength of the absolute majority it enjoys in the 40-member House, will be able to stay on in power.

Zoranthamga told Frontline that the MNF-MPC combine was committed to form a "corruption-free government". He said: "We fought against the Lal Thanhawla Government which was a symbol of corruption. The State has been in deep economic disorder and facing social degradation during his regime. The people of Mizoram desired a change, a return to morality in politics, and financial transparency in the administration. The MNF-MPC combine is committed to offer the people clean government. The people have taken us into confidence and they have voted us to power with the hope of getting what we have promised."

In its joint election manifesto, the MNF-MPC alliance had emphasised the need to unite all Mizos living within the State and in areas adjoining Mizoram, thus effectively demanding the formation of a greater Mizoram. The manifesto promises to "bring all Mizo nationals under one administration". It is committed to safeguard the socio-cultural and religious interests of the Mizo people, implement all the provisions of the accord signed between the Centre and Laldenga in June 30, 1986, include the Mizo language in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution and safeguard national integration.