'India should lead in achieving worldwide nuclear disarmament'

Interview with Gerhard Schroeder.

Gerhard Schroeder, who has now been elected Chancellor of Germany, describes himself as a smuddlekinder (streetchild), one with whom the children of the elite were once advised not to mingle with. He was born at Mossenberg on April 7, 1940. His father was killed during the Second World War and his financially-strapped mother was unable to educate him. He completed an apprenticeship in a chinashop and attended night school for his secondary schooling, graduation and later law degree. He has been a member of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) since 1963. In 1978 he set up office as a lawyer in Hannover. The same year he made a name for himself as the president of the Federal Young Social Democrats (Juso), the radical youth wing of the SPD. In 1980, he was elected to Parliament. On September 27, 1998, Schroeder defeated Helmut Kohl, the longest-serving Chancellor who held office since 1982. Excerpts from an interview Schroeder gave Sheikh Mujibur Rehman a few days before his recent election, an interview with special focus on Third World issues vis-a-vis Germany, as well as India, Pakistan and the nuclear question. Chancellor Schroeder points out here that Germany has not joined the call for international sanctions against India over the question of the May 1998 nuclear tests, but makes clear his position that India should take up a leadership role in achieving worldwide nuclear disarmament:

What are the main problems that Germany faces today? What are your priorities as Chancellor?

Our central problem is definitely the extremely high level of unemployment. One of the first things the Government led by the Social Democrats would do is form an alliance for employment. We have to bring employers, trade unions, the political and scientific communities to the negotiating table to find out what needs to be done to fight unemployment. A turnaround in the job market can only be achieved if we mobilise all the forces of growth in Germany. This means more flexibility in the organisation of labour, and a fair tax system which creates incentives, innovation and invention and does not punish achievements but will push the domestic economy by generating more purchasing power for the workers. We also plan a new initiative in education, which will give equal opportunity to everybody in an ever-changing world.

Do you think the unification of Germany has been mishandled? Has it contributed to the problems you mentioned? In what way will your interventions set them right?

ROBERTO PFEIL/ AP

It is time now that the political unification is followed up with a psychological unification. Helmut Kohl has achieved re-unification with the help of European neighbours and allies. However, he pushed aside its social aspect and thereby divided our society. Eight years after reunification, the unemployment level in the East of Germany is twice as high as that in the West. Salaries are much lower in the East. True unity can be achieved only if, in the medium term, we achieve equal living conditions. What is important here is a coherent concept that combines the objective of economic dynamism, innovation and social responsibility. Only then a new common all-German identity can grow. In the East, for example, we will have to depend for a long time on government subsidised jobs in which we can prepare people for the real job market. Unlike the Kohl Government, we would rather spend more money on employment than on unemployment. Should that create only jobs that do not help meet the cost of living, then we will subsidise these jobs. This is much better and more honourable than the misery of joblessness.

Do you endorse the role played by Helmut Kohl in European integration? If not, how do you plan to substitute it?

Kohl is definitely a convinced European and has surely earned his place in the history books. But his position is obsolete. For years he has been trying to tell us that the euro, the common European currency, is a question of war or peace, that we need it in order to overcome our own history. For me, and for my generation, a united Europe is taken for granted and has become part of our everyday life. That is why I say that we are Europeans because we want to be and we will use European Union as an opportunity for our own future. The Kohl Government unfortunately forgot that a common currency also needed a Europe that showed its strength to the outside world and that integrated much further internally. A Europe of security with a social market economy is not just my idea but a joint project of all social democratic parties in the European Union.

Over the last few years, Germany has given shelter to refugees from Bosnia, the former Soviet Union and other countries in eastern Europe. Should there be specific guidelines for admitting refugees?

Germany, because of its own history, generously offers refugees shelter and good living conditions, which are way above international standards. Immigration to Germany constitutes around 60 per cent of the immigration to the member-states of the European Union. We would like a common European immigration policy that offers a fair share across all countries in Europe.

However, our main objective is to recognise the reasons for migration and to check it. Basically, there are two kinds of reasons: war, civil war or political oppression, and economic and ecological reasons. In both cases it should be our objective to correct the situation through internationally coordinated measures so that people do not feel the need to leave their home country.

What are your policy prescriptions for Third World countries?

The SPD has for many years been engaged in North-South relations. I want to remind you of the important impulse that came from Willy Brandt when he was the President of the North-South Commission. For us, it is important to make sustainable development posssible for the countries of the South. This is the only way to close the huge gap between the rich and the poor. We contribute to that through development aid, the strengthening of economic ties in the form of foreign direct investment and through the opening up of our own market. We expect the countries of the South to build an economic framework that will make sustainable development happen. This means good governance, democracy, the rule of law, acceptance of human rights and efficient market economy structures. We want close cooperation and partnership with developing countries because only together can we take on the enormous economic, ecological and social challenges that have already taken the shape of a global crisis.

What are your comments on the recent nuclear tests by India and Pakistan?

We deeply regret the nuclear tests by the two countries. We view it as a threat to the stability of the region and to the overall policy of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. For this reason, we condemn the behaviour of India and Pakistan. We ask both the countries to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and accept the respective international controls. We are also working hard to push forward the process of worldwide nuclear disarmament. We truly support a peaceful solution to the conflict between India and Pakistan through direct negotiations. Neither country would gain anything from having more weapons. I am aware of the fact that the conflict has very deep roots and cannot be overcome easily. I would like to call on the governments of both countries to show the wisdom and strength to come closer to each other

India has pointed out that the nuclear club enjoys its status in an unfair manner and that the latter's possession of nuclear weapons is discriminatory. Do you agree?

It is true that non-nuclear countries signed the NPT in the expectation that the nuclear powers would fulfil their commitment to nuclear disarmament. At this point I share the Indian criticism that nuclear disarmament has not gone far enough. However, I do not think you come closer to nuclear disarmament by increasing the number of nuclear powers. Especially India as a leading country of the Third World can achieve more for worldwide nuclear disarmament by taking on a leadership role among those nations who do not insist on nuclear weapons and push the nuclear powers to further disarmament.

How have the nuclear explosions affected Indo-German relations?

India's nuclear tests, just as Pakistan's, have been condemned worldwide and have affected their relationship with many countries and also with Germany. However, my party has not joined the call for international sanctions against India. The discussion on India's nuclear policy is now part of the political dialogue between our countries. I would like to have an intensive dialogue on this issue. The results will then show whether there is any permanent problem in our relationship. I do not want that. On the contrary, India is such an important partner and we have such a rich tradition of cooperation that we should not put it at risk.

What is your message to the Indian people?

India is a country with huge contradictions. You find high technological achievements and abject poverty. I believe that India has the power and the ability to offer all its citizens a life in dignity. I hope that India will overcome its internal social conflicts and concentrate on development. If the Western industrial countries can help in this process, they should help.

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