"My patience has gone"

Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah is facing the prospect of the gains made in his State since 1996 being undone. The Bharatiya Janata Party-led Government's nuclear tests at Pokhran have led to the internationalisation of the conflict in Jammu and Kashmir, which in turn has opened up space for secessionist political groupings that have for long been calling for multilateral intervention on the issue. Administrative inefficiency and allegations of corruption have also eroded the National Conference's leading position in Kashmir, and propelled the emergence of the Congress(I) as a potential political threat. And perhaps as important, Abdullah's support to the BJP has led to murmurs of dissent within his own party, notably from Baramulla MP and former Union Minister Saifuddin Soz. In this interview to Praveen Swami in Srinagar, Abdullah explained his position on the conflict in Kashmir, and the strategic consequences of the Pokhran tests for Jammu and Kashmir.

In the last year and a half you have said that the situation in Kashmir is improving. You were among the supporters of Prime Minister I.K. Gujral's efforts to normalise relations with Pakistan. Why do you now believe that the BJP's aggressive position on Pakistan is appropriate?

Gujral tried his level best to have good relations with Pakistan. I remember how at the United Nations his statement on Kashmir was very mild, and yet it provoked a violent rejoinder from Pakistan. But his restraint and efforts did not bear fruit. When Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee came in, he again stretched out his hand in friendship. But Pakistan did not stop sending terrorists into Kashmir; its proxy war continued. You can only bear so much. People sowing their crops and reaping their harvest in Jammu are being butchered by the Pakistan Rangers. Hindu women and children had their throats slit at Dhakikote and Prankote. Muslims are being massacred by terrorists every day in Kashmir and elsewhere. My patience has gone. Isn't it better to die in one go, rather than dying slowly? The bottom line is: we want peace, and Pakistan doesn't.

What does this mean in practical terms? A nuclear war with Pakistan?

I have never said, contrary to some reports, that we should use the bomb to resolve the problem in Kashmir, or any other issue. I am proud that we have made the bomb, and I am proud that India is a strong country. Our scientists said they needed to carry out the tests to ensure that our nuclear weapons worked, which is why the Government took the course it did. I hope God ensures that we never have to use these weapons. We have never started a war, but if we are attacked we should have the strength to defend ourselves.

RAJEEV BHATT

Would you agree that the linkage of India's nuclear tests with its Kashmir policy has internationalised the issue, undermining India's consistent position that the conflict on Kashmir is a bilateral dispute with Pakistan?

Why are you linking the two? The nuclear tests have nothing to do with the situation in Kashmir.

I'm not making the linkage. Union Home Minister L.K. Advani and Parliamentary Affairs and Tourism Minister Madan Lal Khurana made that linkage.

Then you should ask them the question. It has been the Government of India's consistent position that no third party can be involved in any discussion on the Kashmir issue. That was the position arrived at in the Shimla Agreement, and it continues to be the position today. Negotiations with the Government of Pakistan are the Government of India's business, and I have nothing to do with it. But I will say that efforts to internationalise the issue were made in the past. The United States of America made repeated efforts to interfere in Kashmir, but failed.

You were recently quoted as saying that India needed to retake Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir. A year ago you argued that the Line of Control (LoC) should be recognised as a permanent border. What is your position?

I never said that we should take Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir by force, or start a war. What I said was that in any negotiations with Pakistan, POK should be recognised as a disputed territory, and its future negotiated as such.

When you and the BJP speak of a pro-active policy in Kashmir, does it mean that Pakistan-backed terrorism should be met with reprisals by India?

Pro-active policy means dealing firmly with the proxy war unleashed on us by Pakistan for the last eight years, rather than simply trying to stamp out the fires once they have broken out. This will be done by strengthening our borders, rejuvenating the police, deploying and redeploying forces for optimum results, upgrading weaponry and communications systems and strengthening village defence committees. The Army has launched operations to flush out terrorists from forest areas that were previously not covered. The precise content of our military strategy, I of course cannot discuss.

The N.C. seems to speak in different voices on the current situation. Sheikh Nazir, your party's general secretary, recently called for better relations with China, pointing out that Jammu and Kashmir shared a long border with that country. And Saifuddin Soz warned of the dangers of the nuclearisation of the subcontinent.

I am also in favour of normalisation of relations with China. I want the road from Leh to Kailas-Mansarovar to be opened so that people will be able to make the pilgrimage via Ladakh, which will promote tourism. That will bring jobs to the region, and tens of thousands of people will benefit. Normalisation is in Jammu and Kashmir's interests, and I support it unequivocally. But if that country attacked us, we will not hesitate to retaliate with full might. We now have nuclear capability, and our enemies should keep this in mind.

As for what Soz has said, I am not aware of what his actual comments were. Perhaps you should ask him about his remarks.

Some commentators believe that you have undermined your position in Jammu and Kashmir by allying yourself with the BJP Government. Many people point to the contradictions between your agenda and that of the BJP, notably on the issue of greater autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir.

My support to the BJP was in the interests of the State and of the nation, and people understand that. Our support is issue-based, and is being reviewed every day. If, as Sonia Gandhi has said, they defy the Supreme Court and build a temple on the disputed land at Ayodhya, we will withdraw support. Autonomy continues to be our main plank, and there would be no compromise on Article 370. No Government in New Delhi can abrogate or touch Article 370. We have made all this abundantly clear to the BJP, and I have no reason to believe that they will not meet our demands. The National Conference and the BJP are neither allies nor enemies.

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